The Life Of The Party - 1477 Words

The Life of the Party In the wake of disappointing presidential candidates and Congress shutdowns, many Americans are left unsatisfied with their government. It has become obvious that the Republicans and Democrats will not and cannot work cooperatively. America s two-party system has become detrimental and must be opened to third-party involvement. This would restore political competitiveness, forcing candidates to prove themselves even further. Furthermore, this reveal many more opinions and opportunities to the eye of the American public, allowing for entirely educated decisions from a range of choices. This is a change in the government of the United States of America that is not only certainly feasible, but also necessary. Recently,†¦show more content†¦This statistic is, in fact, not a causation of increased negative opinions throughout all Americans: it is actually focused in negativity within the Republican Party. Not surprisingly, thirty-six percent of independent voters felt dislike towards both parties. However, twenty-two percent of surveyed Republicans also felt this way, up from only nine percent in January (Smith). This recent dissatisfaction has also been reciprocated in independent voters. An astounding forty-seven percent of Republican-leaning independent voters are displeased with both the Republican and Democratic parties, the highest since 1992. Six months prior to this study, this figure was only at thirty-two percent. This marks a recent change in opinion. Previously, there had always been more Democratic leaners unhappy with the Democratic Party than Republican leaners unhappy with the Republican Party. However, with now only twenty-two percent of Democratic leaners unhappy with the Democrats, this statistic has switched. This extreme rise in unhappiness at our major political parties have left many wondering if our two-party system is still working as it should be (Smith). For many decades, the United States of America has been led by two political parties: the Democratic Party and the Republican Party. However, there have been and are currently many other parties that have attempted for political importance. These political parties, which are knownShow MoreRelatedEssay about College Party Life1524 Words   |  7 PagesCollege Party Life College parties at JMU, both on campus and off-specifically off-campus, may seem a mish mash of little planning, teenage hormones, beer induced chaos and the new found freedom, for some at least, from ones parents. This however is just a superficial observation. The college party scene at JMU is highly ritualized, even regimented. 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Bill Clinton Redefines Democratic

Bill Clinton Redefines Democratic-republican Essay Bill Clinton Redefines Democratic-RepublicanIn the early 1800s, the United States was but a promising seedling in search ofviable political direction. The initial parties were known as the federalistsand the Democratic-Republicans, the first of which soon diminished and the latereventually bisected. The result is the two party Democrat and GOP system whichthe majority of politicians of current day subscribe. However, many politicaland economic analysts find themselves perplexed by an incredible new phenomenonradiating from the white house the economic policies of President Bill Clinton. This dilemma has left many wondering, did we elect a democrat or a republican?Has Clinton unintentionally begun a campaign to reunite the two rivals? Thetelltale signs of Clintons political ambiguity include reminiscently republicantechniques of reducing the budget, creating jobs, lowered productivity, andshaping the tax code. During Clintons 1992 campaign, balancing the budget was not among the countriesmain economic objectives (Miller 4). However, after close scrutiny, theeconomic woes of the approaching millennium were projected as higher then wethought it would be (Miller 4). In fact, in the twelve years before Clintontook office, the deficit quadrupled in size (deficit 1). As a result, Clintonmust engage in creative cost cutting techniques to keep the budget under control. Money afforded to state and local governments for development programs, such asthose which relieve urban blight, will eventually be cut by two-thirds, athird more then Gingrichs last congress proposed (Rauch 2). In addition, cutsto transportation aid will prove fifty percent greater then republicanpropositions (Rauch 2). According to Clinton, all of these maneuvers willresult in the lowering of the deficit by $600 billion, or almost one-third bythe year 1998 (progress 1). Economists speculate that these reforms may producethe desired effect (Rauch 2). However, putting these measures into action maycontradict one of Clintons main election tenets to preserve the status quo asit relates to government programs. The final budget will include one-seventhfor interest on the national debt. A whopping two thirds will go towardentitlement, one sixth for defense programs and another one-sixth for non-defense discretionary spending (Rauch 2). Perhaps the most touted aspect of the initial Clinton administration was itsability to create jobs. According to the White House, almost six million jobshave been created in the past four years, and the unemployment rate in Texas hasdropped from 7.5% to 5.8% (Progress 1). This is a level well below the 6% ratewhich many economists regard as full employment. However, there may be a greatdeal more then meets the eye when it comes to these promising statistics. Thelabor force had been predicted to grow at a rate of more than 1.3 percent peryear, however, it has failed to grow by even one percent annually under Clinton(Reynolds 3). In other words, unemployment has gone down, by way ofunderstatement. The number of those counted as actual members of the labor forcehas lowered while the number of jobs has moderately increased. It is estimatedthat one million men between the ages of twenty-five and fifty-five have leftthe labor force as discouraged workers during the four-year span of 1992to 1996(Reynolds 3). Had these men remained in the force as possible applicants, theunemployment rate may actually read as high as 8%, as it was during the Reaganadministration (Miller 3). It seems a case of playing with numbers in order todisguise the truth. Whatever one chooses to call it, Clintons policies of jobcreation place discouraged middle class workers between a rock and a hard place. .ub07552518d1b84b1ce0537312e54237c , .ub07552518d1b84b1ce0537312e54237c .postImageUrl , .ub07552518d1b84b1ce0537312e54237c .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .ub07552518d1b84b1ce0537312e54237c , .ub07552518d1b84b1ce0537312e54237c:hover , .ub07552518d1b84b1ce0537312e54237c:visited , .ub07552518d1b84b1ce0537312e54237c:active { border:0!important; } .ub07552518d1b84b1ce0537312e54237c .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .ub07552518d1b84b1ce0537312e54237c { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .ub07552518d1b84b1ce0537312e54237c:active , .ub07552518d1b84b1ce0537312e54237c:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .ub07552518d1b84b1ce0537312e54237c .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .ub07552518d1b84b1ce0537312e54237c .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .ub07552518d1b84b1ce0537312e54237c .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .ub07552518d1b84b1ce0537312e54237c .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .ub07552518d1b84b1ce0537312e54237c:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .ub07552518d1b84b1ce0537312e54237c .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .ub07552518d1b84b1ce0537312e54237c .ub07552518d1b84b1ce0537312e54237c-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .ub07552518d1b84b1ce0537312e54237c:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: Douglas and barlow EssayConservative economist Alan Reynolds views it as a technique of achieving lowunemployment . . . by discouraging millions of people, and remarks that it isnothing to brag about (Reynolds 3). Productivity growth, measured as the number of units of output per hour ofwork has grown just 1 percent each year since 1973 (Miller 3). Under usualcircumstances, gradual increases in productivity directly correlate to anincrease in workers wages. However, the Clinton Administration has seen atotal productivity increase of 2.1% over a four year period, while wages havedeclined by .2% (Miller 3). In the next seven years, Clintons team anticipatesan annual productivity increase of 1.2% (Miller 5). Considering the vastmajority of employment created under this administration is classified as bluecollar, it may be inferred that wages will continue to fall. Indeed, it seemsClinton has managed to contradict a fundamental premise of economics. And whobenefits from this lower wage higher productivity combo? In a word, industry. Economist Stephen Roach sees it as a dramatic shift in the distribution ofincome away from the agents of productivity, workers, toward the owners ofcapital (Miller 3). The outcome? An era eerily reminiscent of the Reagan era,where the rich only seem to get richer. Traditionally, aspiring presidents promise one (or several) things in regard totaxes during the election, yet deliver an entirely different bag of goods uponactual inhabitance of the white house. Clinton proved no exception by raisingthe marginal tax rates in 1993. At the current time, Clinton is considering amodified capital gains tax cut, despite the fact that this taxation has madesizable contributions to the lessening of the deficit (Miller 4). It is a movethat could prove immensely beneficial to the upper percentages of income earners. Clinton has made moves such as this one in the past, in the form of an earnedincome tax credit which increased the share of loot given to those with incomeswell above the poverty level (Reynolds 3). These policies, according to WallStreet Journal columnist Paul Gigot, have done best by the same people Mr. Clinton accused Reaganomics of benefitting most the wealthy.Thus, the question remains . . . will Clintons ambiguous policies fair wellwhen presented to a blatantly republican Congress? It is a fact which remainsto be seen. Robert D. Rieschauer, former head of the congressional budgetoffice, views Clintons economic misidentity as a clear-cut case of Gingrichinduced skitzopreniea, noting that in the world of the campaign, Clinton wasthe anti-gingrich . . . in his actual budgets . . . he is Gingrich (Reynolds1). It leaves us, as voters, to the task of defining Clintons party loyalties.